Felix Tshisekedi says he may seek third term if voters approve

Félix Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, told reporters on May 6 that he would be open to running for a third presidential term, provided the country’s voters greenlight the move through a referendum.

The current DRC constitution limits presidents to two terms. Tshisekedi’s current mandate expires in 2028. So any path to a third term would require changing the rules of the game while the game is still being played.

The statement and what it actually means

At a news conference covered by Africanews, Tshisekedi framed the idea as coming from the people rather than from himself.

“I did not seek a third term, but I’m telling you: if the people want me to have a third term, I will accept.”

It’s a rhetorical move with a long history. Leaders across Africa, Latin America, and beyond have used the “the people demand it” framing to justify constitutional changes that conveniently extend their own power. The pattern is familiar enough to have its own informal name in political science circles: the third-term problem.

Here’s the thing. Saying “if voters approve” sounds democratic on the surface. But the mechanics of who organizes the referendum, who sets the question, and who counts the votes matter enormously. In a country with the DRC’s governance challenges, those details are not minor footnotes.

A constitutional referendum would need to be organized in a nation roughly the size of Western Europe, with limited infrastructure, active armed conflict in its eastern provinces, and a history of disputed elections. That’s not a small ask.

The political backdrop is messy

Tshisekedi first came to power in 2018, in an election that was itself deeply contested. His victory over the outgoing regime of Joseph Kabila was disputed by opposition candidates and international observers alike. According to analysis from the Institute for Security Studies, the contested result left Tshisekedi with limited parliamentary influence in the early years of his presidency, forcing him to govern through uneasy alliances.

He won a second term, but the legitimacy questions never fully disappeared. Now, floating the idea of a third term adds another layer of tension to an already fragile political environment.

Opposition groups have not been quiet about their concerns. Africa Briefing reported that opposition factions have accused the president of attempting to consolidate and extend his hold on power, warning that the move could trigger unrest in a country that has seen more than its share of political violence.

Look, the DRC is not a place where political transitions happen smoothly even under the best circumstances. The country has experienced coups, civil wars, and contested successions since independence in 1960. Every time a sitting leader signals interest in staying beyond their allotted time, it raises the temperature.

And then there’s the war. Eastern Congo remains engulfed in armed conflict involving dozens of militia groups, foreign-backed rebels, and government forces. The ongoing violence has displaced millions and created a humanitarian crisis that routinely ranks among the world’s worst.

That conflict creates a practical problem for any election timeline. Africanews noted that the fighting in the east could serve as grounds for postponing the 2028 presidential elections altogether. If a referendum on constitutional changes gets added to the calendar before then, the logistics become even more complicated.

There is a scenario, and opposition leaders have flagged it, where the conflict becomes a convenient reason to delay elections indefinitely while constitutional changes are pushed through. Whether that’s Tshisekedi’s intent is unknowable. But the structural incentives are there, and people are paying attention.

Why this matters beyond the DRC

The DRC is the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa by area and one of the most resource-rich nations on Earth. Its cobalt reserves alone make it strategically significant to the global economy, given cobalt’s essential role in lithium-ion batteries for electric vehicles and consumer electronics.

Political instability in the DRC doesn’t stay contained within its borders. It affects regional security across Central and East Africa, global commodity supply chains, and international aid flows. When the country’s political trajectory looks uncertain, it ripples outward.

For anyone watching African governance trends more broadly, Tshisekedi’s remarks fit into a wider pattern. Multiple African leaders in recent years have sought, and in some cases obtained, constitutional changes to extend their time in office. Some succeeded peacefully. Others triggered exactly the kind of instability their opponents warned about.

The 2028 election cycle in the DRC was already going to be closely watched. Now it carries the additional question of whether the election will happen on schedule, whether the constitutional framework will be altered before voters get to the polls, and whether the process, whatever form it takes, will be seen as legitimate.

Tshisekedi has two years before his mandate expires. That’s enough time to organize a referendum if the political will exists. It’s also enough time for opposition movements to mobilize, for international actors to weigh in, and for the situation in the east to either improve or deteriorate further.

None of those variables are predictable right now. What is predictable is that the next two years in Congolese politics just got significantly more contentious.

The bottom line: Tshisekedi’s willingness to seek a third term, wrapped in the language of popular mandate, sets up a high-stakes constitutional fight in a country already grappling with war, governance deficits, and deep public mistrust of its institutions. The referendum framing may sound democratic, but the execution will determine whether it actually is.

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